The rise of trump and the mainstreaming of white nationalism

White House White supremacy and neo-Nazism I didn't laugh. As a black woman, I couldn't find any humor in a second iteration, even a tiny one, of the rally that gave us some of the most sinister images of American racism in recent history. And I know that, just because white supremacists didn't show up in Washington in large numbers as they did in Charlottesville last year, that didn't mean that they've disappeared. In fact, white supremacist groups and racist acts of violence are on the rise.

The rise of trump and the mainstreaming of white nationalism

The crowd donned Anti-Fascist Action flags, many with faces covered for fear of further police repression. This week, a majority of This is the first country in the EU to do this, a zone that was intended to both reconcile political tensions and to smooth over neo-liberal capitalist expansion.

This is the first vote since the s, and, at the time, the vote was not even close. Today, the force to leave toppled over the edge and is forcing a push away from the united continental project. Even after a Britain First affiliate and advocate of Brexit killed a pro-immigrant British MPthe vote still passed through with a slim majority.

The rise of trump and the mainstreaming of white nationalism

While it has been largely acknowledged that the Brexit campaign was a xenophobic and racist push from the United Kingdom Independence Party UKIP and Britain First, there has also been a reasonable Lexit left exit side to the campaign.

Internationally, left circles have been debating the merits of this position, debating the role of a left contingent inside of a hard right campaign.

Groups in the United States like the International Socialist Organization have showed a certain admiration for the Lexit contingent, while most mainstream progressives are standing back in horror. The primary impulse for many on the radical left is to look at the vote as a series of component parts that have meaning, while the politics themselves will largely play out as business as usual.

Britain First Donald Brexit A comparison to the Donald Trump campaign stateside is useful, especially as it has often been used by the British left to put the recent events in England in context. When comparing the realities of the political choices of Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump it quickly reminds us just how little a vote allows for real decision making as it retains ruling class power no matter the distinction.

Though there are great differences between the candidates, they are minor when it comes to large-scale social systems, and do nothing to challenge systemic inequality. You will never be able to vote the rich out of their wealth But what does the Donald Trump candidacy really represent?

It has mobilized a revolutionary wing of the far-right to begin crossing over into the racialist undercurrent of the right-wing segment of the white working class, creating a populist-right block that is as frightening as it is large. For those of us on the anti-fascist left, this both mutates the working class and creates a violent reactionary force of Stormtroopers against any left revolution.

This is the most destructive turn a society can take, the barbarism promised as the endgame of global capitalism. Nigel Farage, the leader of UKIP Meta-Proxy Politics When it comes to Brexit, this is the largest victory in decades for the far-right, who are growing across all sectors in the country.

Given a state of economic turmoil since the global financial crisis, as well as coming after decades of neo-liberal austerity, the white working class of Britain have been pressed to the point of rupture.

The targeting of immigrants, especially Islamic immigrants, has been the signature of the far-right since the earliest rumblings of the National Front in the s up through the brief rise of the British National Party.

Likewise, the growth of the Alt Right and movements like National Action have brought in a younger generation of educated neo-fascists who are hoping to use the social turmoil to capture a working class who may have had their discontent channeled into the radical left.

This has come together like a neutron star with the Brexit vote, a crossover issue that has given their rhetoric a place in the general public. It is less important what the vote was, and more central about why it was.

The exit of Britain from the EU was due to a massive campaign with racial undertones, even if the left-wing of that vote came for economic reasons.

For immigrants living in the UK, especially those of color, are speaking out en masse right now about the fear they are experiencing, and that racial attacks and harassment have gone through the roof.

Right now the streets of London are a scary place for all but a white British base, exactly what Britain First was hoping for. No matter what the ideal economic effects of the vote were for socialists and progressive in Britain who supported the exit, it is having the effect of tossing a massive victory to the far right and allowing the racist undercurrent to bubble to the surface.

The real question here is if there will be any substantive gains for working people in Britain from the vote that would outweigh the social wave of the far-right that they are going to see from this victory.

They will further co-opt the righteous anger of the working class, turning it back on itself and dividing ranks further. In a world where proxies work as a side-channel for larger meta-political goals, Brexit acts as a shift to the right even if the politics do not divert greatly from standard neo-liberal expansion or if they are even to fit into the larger goals of the anti-globalization movement.

This left-right alliance owes, to a large part, to the vagueness that has permeated from the anti-globalization movement since the s. This is the kind of campaign that UKIP ran for Brexit, using images of refugees to trigger a racist response in England. Today, it is multinational corporations and institutions of market exploitation that run the world, not monolithic super states.

The anti-globalization movement was a mass action against that, one that united artists and the black bloc and unions and immigrant rights organizations, and which saw the solution to these global problems both as the repudiation of capitalism and the use of localization for economics, food production, and community.

The rise of trump and the mainstreaming of white nationalism

The problem is that, philosophically and meta-politically, the anarchist core of the anti-globalization movement and the eco-friendly fascists crowding their fringes were the core opposite of one another. Instead, we support the international struggle of the working class against capital, even if we support decentralized federalism as a more responsive and successful way of organizing society.

This rhetorical battle was never primary, however, and a lack of clear politics, both implicit and explicit, allowed the far-right to bloom inside of spaces thought to have radical left hegemony.

If they both see a victory, then it can strengthen the far-right as it mobilizes the radical left. In many ways, many of the more fringe elements in places like AdBusters and in eco-anarchist circles reveled in this murky ideological waters, and flirted with the far-right, not because they were sympathetic to them, but because they needed a broad coalition.

This means that fascist often oppose capitalism, and sometimes even the state, for reasons that they are not sufficient in propping up nationalism and inequality. They want a society more rooted in inequality, where a market does not just produce inequality as a side-effect, but that the inequality perfectly reflects their ideas about race and gender and are reinforced through whatever system of social coercion they see fit.

When Brexit is looked at as a proxy, the reality is that for the right it was a vote on immigration.Given his support for white nationalism and his coded call to “Make America Great (White) Again,” Trump’s overt racist remarks reinforce echoes of white supremacy reminiscent of fascist dictators in .

“We are in an era where we expect to see a rise in white nationalism violence,” she told me. “We are in a moment of rising activity.” was one of the deadliest years on record for domestic extremist violence since Donald Trump was not elected because of "economic anxiety" among white working-class Americans.

This is a zombie narrative that the American news media continues to cling to because it doesn't. His white nationalism is embraced, in various degrees, by some of Trump's top advisers — and breezed over by other Republican leaders. “I meant exactly what I said,” King told CNN on Monday.

Perhaps the new conservatism might borrow from Trump the notion of a new nationalism. NOT the “white identity” stuff, but an actual American (not purely European, not purely Caucasian) identity. Trump's Charlottesville Remarks Follow A History of Ambiguity On White Nationalism The president's statement on Monday called out racist groups, including the KKK, for violence in Charlottesville.

After Conservatism | The American Conservative